Former rebel Sudan Liberation Movement (SLM) of Minni Minawi, which is signatory of Abuja agreement, expressed willingness to cooperate with the hybrid peacekeeping mission in Darfur.
Gen Martin Luther Agwai Minawi troops had very bad relations with the African troops who are replaced since the beginning of this year by the Hybrid Mission. Minawi forces clashed with AMIS in different positions in Darfur and killed several AU peacekeepers. In a meeting with UANMID Force Commander, Gen. Martin Luther Agwai, the Director of the General Command Office of SLA/M- Minawi, Majid Wadi, said, "We understand UNAMID is here to establish peace in Darfur. We want to open a new chapter of cooperation that focuses on the protection of civilians and access to humanitarians."
Minawi field Commanders,told the UNAMID that they want to improve the security situation and offer a safer environment for humanitarians to do their work in the war-torn region.
The meeting comes in the context of UNAMID's continued efforts to engage parties to the conflict in Darfur in an ongoing dialogue around peace, security and the protection of the civilian population.
Past months witnessed an unprecedented number of attacks against humanitarian workers in Darfur. Ameerah Haq, the UN humanitarian coordinator for Sudan, said that the attacks are putting Darfur humanitarian operation in jeopardy. Since the start of the year, three aid workers and one truck driver have been killed, while nearly 90 people working on behalf of aid groups or U.N. agencies have been abducted. Following the meeting, General Agwai said, "The deteriorating security conditions have made our efforts to engage the Movements increasingly difficult. Today's meeting represents a significant step towards re-establishing cooperation with commanders of Movements on the ground. We hope this helps us create safer conditions for humanitarians and peacekeepers to do their work." Leaders of the SLA/M assured UNAMID that the Movement denounces all acts of violence and banditry against humanitarians, emphasizing that the civilian population needs the help of relief agencies to alleviate the consequences of the war in Darfur. They agreed that if humanitarian agencies were to end their operations due to the attacks, it is civilians who will bear the cost. The Movement also called upon UNAMID to increase the number of its troops in the town of Muhajeria in North Darfur, where tensions between warring parties are on the rise.
Last October The Sudanese army backed janjaweed militia attacked the twon, killing dozens, including ethnic African tribal leaders who were pulled out of a mosque and executed. The assailants went on to burn down half the town.
The attack came after the nearby town of Haskanita was burned to the ground after coming under government control last week in the wake of a rebel raid on the nearby AU base that killed 10 peacekeepers.
General Agwai assured that the peacekeeping force plans to expand its operations, once the additional forces pledged to UNAMID deploy. The Egyptian battalion, whose advance party has started arriving, is planned to complete deployment within the next weeks, to be followed by the Ethiopian battalion.
3/11/08
Darfur rebel says Sudanese army painting tanks with UN colour
Darfur rebel movement has accused the Sudanese army of painting tanks of UN Hybrid force saying it plans to attack its position in West Darfur. Ali Wafi, the Military Spokesperson of the Rebel Justice and Equality Movement (JEM) claimed that his movement is in receipt of eye witness's accounts in Al-Fasher speaking of Sudanese armed forces actively engaged in painting nine (9) military tanks white. Wafi described the move as "an apparent breach and violation of applicable norms of International Humanitarian law and agreements."
He further spoke about huge military build-up of troops arriving from Northern State (Shimalyia), and deployment of forces from El-Geneina, the capital of West Darfur, in a bid to storm Jebel Moon.
Since February 8, 2008, Sudanese government troops and "Janjaweed" militia backed by Antonov bombers and helicopter gunships have carried out a series of attacks that have killed hundreds of civilians.
Tens of thousands of people have been displaced by the ongoing bombardments, which are also preventing life-saving humanitarian assistance from reaching some of the worst-affected areas.
The February offensive was the largest in many months and aid agencies say it affected 50,000-60,000 people, less than initial rebel estimates of up to 200,000. Up to 12,000 refugees fled into neighbouring eastern Chad, the U.N. refugee agency said.
He further spoke about huge military build-up of troops arriving from Northern State (Shimalyia), and deployment of forces from El-Geneina, the capital of West Darfur, in a bid to storm Jebel Moon.
Since February 8, 2008, Sudanese government troops and "Janjaweed" militia backed by Antonov bombers and helicopter gunships have carried out a series of attacks that have killed hundreds of civilians.
Tens of thousands of people have been displaced by the ongoing bombardments, which are also preventing life-saving humanitarian assistance from reaching some of the worst-affected areas.
The February offensive was the largest in many months and aid agencies say it affected 50,000-60,000 people, less than initial rebel estimates of up to 200,000. Up to 12,000 refugees fled into neighbouring eastern Chad, the U.N. refugee agency said.
1/30/08
Darfur bandits threaten food deliveries
The UN World Food Programme warned on Wednesday that banditry in the conflict-stricken Darfur region threatened the distribution of food to more than two million people there. "So far this year, bandits have stolen 23 WFP-contracted trucks and abducted their drivers -- 19 drivers are still missing," it said in a statement. "We're extremely worried about the impact of vulnerable people of Darfur," WFP representative Kenro Oshidari said. He said that the main trucking companies now refuse to send in more vehicles, forcing the organisation to "deliver about half our monthly food relief requirement." "If the situtation continues, we'll be forced to cut rations in parts of Darfur by mid-February," Oshidari said, urging Sudanese authorities to ensure the safety of the main routes.
A lack of security in the western Sudanese region continues to hamper aid operations. Between September and December last year, three WFP contracted drivers were killed and 13 trucks stolen or attacked. A total of 106,000 people could not be reached with food assistance in December, the WFP said, adding that some 40,000 metric tons of food are needed to feed the most vulnerable people in Darfur. "Without these deliveries, WFP faces a rapid depletion of stocks and the inablity to pre-position food ahead of the rainy season which is due to start in May," Oshidari said. At least 200,000 people have died from war, famine and disease in Darfur and more than two million have fled their homes since rebels took up arms against Khartoum in 2003, complaining of the region's political and economic marginalisation, according to the UN.
A lack of security in the western Sudanese region continues to hamper aid operations. Between September and December last year, three WFP contracted drivers were killed and 13 trucks stolen or attacked. A total of 106,000 people could not be reached with food assistance in December, the WFP said, adding that some 40,000 metric tons of food are needed to feed the most vulnerable people in Darfur. "Without these deliveries, WFP faces a rapid depletion of stocks and the inablity to pre-position food ahead of the rainy season which is due to start in May," Oshidari said. At least 200,000 people have died from war, famine and disease in Darfur and more than two million have fled their homes since rebels took up arms against Khartoum in 2003, complaining of the region's political and economic marginalisation, according to the UN.
1/4/08
Darfur rebel Arabs under Sudan assault
Towards the end of the Abuja talks, an Arabintellectual sympathetic to the Darfur rebels remarked: 'Ninety percent ofthe Arabs of Darfur are neutral so far. We cannot continue like this ifthere is no agreement. We may take a role.' Eighteen months later they are,slowly but surely, in many ways. In recent weeks the Sudan government hasbegun responding with predictable force-aerial bombardment, ground attack,arrests of family members. Alex has drawn attention to how the Arabs ofDarfur feel abandoned by the international community, collectively demonizedfor the sins of the government and the Janjawiid. (Re-Visiting North Darfur's Arabs, 29 November 2007). But there is a new problem today, and one thatneeds addressing urgently: how are the growing number of Arabs who havechosen to stand against the government to be protected as the governmentturns its guns on them, in their turn?
The Arab challenge is absolutely critical. Without Arab support, Khartoumcould not prosecute its war in Darfur as it is. The regular army is poorlymotivated, poorly trained and demoralized by a series of crushing defeats.Much of its officer class dislikes the enforced partnership with theJanjawiid and the abuses that have characterized it, for which theInternational Criminal Court is now pressing charges.
At the centre of the latest storm is a 31-year-old Arab called Anwar AhmadKhater, the founder of the Sudanese Revolutionary Front (SRF) that took uparms against the government last year and a member of the Mahamid tribe(Awlad Zeid section) from which most of Musa Hilal's forces are drawn. Atleast 26 of his men were killed last week when government forces attackedone of his camps in the Jebel Kengo area north-east of Zalingei. Someescaped on donkeys after their cars were destroyed and were given refuge bylocal farmers who offered them water, not caring that they were Arabs. As anSRF militant said in reporting the attack: 'You see how wonderful Darfur is,but for this mess of government policy and individuals spreading hatred.'
A number of Anwar's relatives have been arrested, including several of hisbrothers, and children in the family have been interrogated about hiswhereabouts. A security officer told one of them: 'We should have killed himwhen we had the chance. He is more dangerous to us than Abdel Wahid [Mohamedal Nur, the leader of the original Sudan Liberation Army] because he isworking in our zone'. In other words, he is active among Arabs-seeking aboveall to neutralize them, to prevent the government using them for its ownnefarious purposes.
Many Darfurians-including Abdel Wahid, who puts great emphasis on goodrelations with Arab tribes-believe that Anwar Khater is the personbest-equipped to unite the Arabs of Darfur. He is educated (a computerengineer) and free of any suspicion of Janjawiidism (unlike the other Arab'rebel' making news at the moment, Mohamed Hamdan Dogolo 'Hemeti'). The fewforeigners who have met him say he has enormous charisma. Most importantly,perhaps, Anwar Khater has cachet among the Mahamid: his father, AhmadKhater, was an advisor to Hilal Abdalla, the late sheikh of the Mahamid whois as much revered among the Arabs of Darfur as his son, Musa Hilal, iscontroversial.
Offered a scholarship to the U.S. on completing his studies, but notpermitted by the government to take it up, Anwar Khater returned to Darfurfrom Khartoum in 2004 and immediately began rallying Arabs against thegovernment. He was detained by Security twice in 2004, once afterdistributing pamphlets in Zalingei denouncing the political and economicmarginalization of Darfur. In 2005, he was detained for a month after asimilar protest in Geneina. In 2006, as his influence grew, especially amongyoung Arabs, he was detained by Musa Hilal and flown to Khartoum, where hewas imprisoned for more than three months. Security chief Salah Gosh toldhim: 'The UN [peacekeepers] will fight you as Arabs. If you do not join usyou will never survive in Darfur. The international community's war will beimposed on Darfur.'
Upon his release, Anwar Khater returned to Darfur once more and began tomake contacts with internationals to explain the program of the SudaneseRevolutionary Front-a name recently hijacked by Hemeti, with whom AnwarKhater has refused to cooperate, saying 'I can never put my hand in the handof anyone accused of killing innocent people'. His main concern, he said atthe time, was to combat the government's efforts to isolate Darfur's Arabsand make them voiceless. Since then, he has been working, quietly, to bringArab dissidents from different tribes together in a single, united body. Hehas forged good relations with several SLA factions including that of AbdelWahid.
The SRF's rebellion is just one example of a new mood among the Arabs ofDarfur. Another is the mutiny of Hemeti, whom U.S. officials consider one ofthe most abusive government-supported militia leaders of Darfur, responsiblefor much burning, killing and rape. When Hemeti mutinied in October, hecited the double betrayal of Darfur's Arabs: broken promises to providetheir nomadic communities with health and veterinary services, and schoolsand water, and unfulfilled commitments to pay militia salaries and givecompensation for war dead. He said he took up arms to defend his tribe afterthousands of camels were stolen and scores of his relatives were abducted bySLA Zaghawa rebels. That was then. Today the Zaghawa SLA leader, MinniMinawi, is Senior Assistant to President Omar Bashir-with power, on paper,over reforming Arab militias after becoming the only rebel leader to signthe Darfur Peace Agreement in May 2006.
The significance of Hemeti's revolt is very different to that of AnwarKhater's. His record makes him a problematic figure, both for theinternational community and the rebel movements. But while Anwar Khatar hascredibility as a young and educated Arab leader with clean hands, Hemeti hasguns. The government gave Hemeti brand-new vehicles, Thuraya telephones,heavy weapons and, reportedly, millions of dollars as the price ofparticipation in an offensive against the rebels after they tried to takethe war to Kordofan three months ago. But Hemeti double-crossed them,withdrew with his forces to Jebel Marra, and announced his opposition toKhartoum. In response, the government unleashed its air force and groundforces against him.
Both Abdel Wahid's SLA and Khalil Ibrahim's Justice and Equality Movementhave signed non-aggression pacts with Hemeti and his militia. Abdel Wahidtold me in Paris a month ago, 'There is no UN force to stop the Janjawiidkilling my people and I have no force to stop them, so I have to bring themon my side or neutralize them.' Neutralization may be as far as he is wilingto go with Hemeti, but he wants Anwar Khater on his side. Anwar, for hispart, does not rule out eventual unity, but not until political programmesare clarified and the SLA has put its chaotic house in order.
With only a few hundred armed men, the strategy of the SRF thus far has beento target those responsible for recruiting Arabs into the Janjawiid. 'Arabs,' Anwar Khater said last year, 'do not access humanitarian aid because theinternational community considers that the Arabs are the perpetrators of allthe crimes committed in Darfur. This is not true.'
The SRC believes that Khartoum plans a 'comprehensive attack' on its men inthe coming days, 'to finish Anwar during the holidays when UN staff will beon holiday'-and before the UNAMID force becomes operational. Anwar, theysay, 'can be the bridge between Arabs and the international community' - ifhe survives.
* Julie Flint is independent journalist who led a Human Rights Watch trip toSudan. Her report for Human Rights Watch, "Darfur Destroyed". She is theco-author of "Darfur: A Short History of a Long War."
The Arab challenge is absolutely critical. Without Arab support, Khartoumcould not prosecute its war in Darfur as it is. The regular army is poorlymotivated, poorly trained and demoralized by a series of crushing defeats.Much of its officer class dislikes the enforced partnership with theJanjawiid and the abuses that have characterized it, for which theInternational Criminal Court is now pressing charges.
At the centre of the latest storm is a 31-year-old Arab called Anwar AhmadKhater, the founder of the Sudanese Revolutionary Front (SRF) that took uparms against the government last year and a member of the Mahamid tribe(Awlad Zeid section) from which most of Musa Hilal's forces are drawn. Atleast 26 of his men were killed last week when government forces attackedone of his camps in the Jebel Kengo area north-east of Zalingei. Someescaped on donkeys after their cars were destroyed and were given refuge bylocal farmers who offered them water, not caring that they were Arabs. As anSRF militant said in reporting the attack: 'You see how wonderful Darfur is,but for this mess of government policy and individuals spreading hatred.'
A number of Anwar's relatives have been arrested, including several of hisbrothers, and children in the family have been interrogated about hiswhereabouts. A security officer told one of them: 'We should have killed himwhen we had the chance. He is more dangerous to us than Abdel Wahid [Mohamedal Nur, the leader of the original Sudan Liberation Army] because he isworking in our zone'. In other words, he is active among Arabs-seeking aboveall to neutralize them, to prevent the government using them for its ownnefarious purposes.
Many Darfurians-including Abdel Wahid, who puts great emphasis on goodrelations with Arab tribes-believe that Anwar Khater is the personbest-equipped to unite the Arabs of Darfur. He is educated (a computerengineer) and free of any suspicion of Janjawiidism (unlike the other Arab'rebel' making news at the moment, Mohamed Hamdan Dogolo 'Hemeti'). The fewforeigners who have met him say he has enormous charisma. Most importantly,perhaps, Anwar Khater has cachet among the Mahamid: his father, AhmadKhater, was an advisor to Hilal Abdalla, the late sheikh of the Mahamid whois as much revered among the Arabs of Darfur as his son, Musa Hilal, iscontroversial.
Offered a scholarship to the U.S. on completing his studies, but notpermitted by the government to take it up, Anwar Khater returned to Darfurfrom Khartoum in 2004 and immediately began rallying Arabs against thegovernment. He was detained by Security twice in 2004, once afterdistributing pamphlets in Zalingei denouncing the political and economicmarginalization of Darfur. In 2005, he was detained for a month after asimilar protest in Geneina. In 2006, as his influence grew, especially amongyoung Arabs, he was detained by Musa Hilal and flown to Khartoum, where hewas imprisoned for more than three months. Security chief Salah Gosh toldhim: 'The UN [peacekeepers] will fight you as Arabs. If you do not join usyou will never survive in Darfur. The international community's war will beimposed on Darfur.'
Upon his release, Anwar Khater returned to Darfur once more and began tomake contacts with internationals to explain the program of the SudaneseRevolutionary Front-a name recently hijacked by Hemeti, with whom AnwarKhater has refused to cooperate, saying 'I can never put my hand in the handof anyone accused of killing innocent people'. His main concern, he said atthe time, was to combat the government's efforts to isolate Darfur's Arabsand make them voiceless. Since then, he has been working, quietly, to bringArab dissidents from different tribes together in a single, united body. Hehas forged good relations with several SLA factions including that of AbdelWahid.
The SRF's rebellion is just one example of a new mood among the Arabs ofDarfur. Another is the mutiny of Hemeti, whom U.S. officials consider one ofthe most abusive government-supported militia leaders of Darfur, responsiblefor much burning, killing and rape. When Hemeti mutinied in October, hecited the double betrayal of Darfur's Arabs: broken promises to providetheir nomadic communities with health and veterinary services, and schoolsand water, and unfulfilled commitments to pay militia salaries and givecompensation for war dead. He said he took up arms to defend his tribe afterthousands of camels were stolen and scores of his relatives were abducted bySLA Zaghawa rebels. That was then. Today the Zaghawa SLA leader, MinniMinawi, is Senior Assistant to President Omar Bashir-with power, on paper,over reforming Arab militias after becoming the only rebel leader to signthe Darfur Peace Agreement in May 2006.
The significance of Hemeti's revolt is very different to that of AnwarKhater's. His record makes him a problematic figure, both for theinternational community and the rebel movements. But while Anwar Khatar hascredibility as a young and educated Arab leader with clean hands, Hemeti hasguns. The government gave Hemeti brand-new vehicles, Thuraya telephones,heavy weapons and, reportedly, millions of dollars as the price ofparticipation in an offensive against the rebels after they tried to takethe war to Kordofan three months ago. But Hemeti double-crossed them,withdrew with his forces to Jebel Marra, and announced his opposition toKhartoum. In response, the government unleashed its air force and groundforces against him.
Both Abdel Wahid's SLA and Khalil Ibrahim's Justice and Equality Movementhave signed non-aggression pacts with Hemeti and his militia. Abdel Wahidtold me in Paris a month ago, 'There is no UN force to stop the Janjawiidkilling my people and I have no force to stop them, so I have to bring themon my side or neutralize them.' Neutralization may be as far as he is wilingto go with Hemeti, but he wants Anwar Khater on his side. Anwar, for hispart, does not rule out eventual unity, but not until political programmesare clarified and the SLA has put its chaotic house in order.
With only a few hundred armed men, the strategy of the SRF thus far has beento target those responsible for recruiting Arabs into the Janjawiid. 'Arabs,' Anwar Khater said last year, 'do not access humanitarian aid because theinternational community considers that the Arabs are the perpetrators of allthe crimes committed in Darfur. This is not true.'
The SRC believes that Khartoum plans a 'comprehensive attack' on its men inthe coming days, 'to finish Anwar during the holidays when UN staff will beon holiday'-and before the UNAMID force becomes operational. Anwar, theysay, 'can be the bridge between Arabs and the international community' - ifhe survives.
* Julie Flint is independent journalist who led a Human Rights Watch trip toSudan. Her report for Human Rights Watch, "Darfur Destroyed". She is theco-author of "Darfur: A Short History of a Long War."
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